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ARCHAIC 

CHINESE  BRONZES 

OF  THE  SHANG,  CHOU 
AND  HAN  PERIODS 


IN  THE  COLLECTIONS  OF 

MR.  PARISH- WATSON 


ACCOMPANIED  BY  NOTES  OF 

BERTHOLD  LAUFER 


NEW  YORK 
M CM  XXII 


Copyright,  1922,  by 
Parish-Watson  & Co.,  Inc. 


the  c~tty  CENTrr? 


FOREWORD 


ALTHOUGH  the  collection  of  archaic  Chinese  bronzes  illustrated 

/ % and  briefly  described  on  these  pages  is  comparatively  small,  not 
A. exceeding  ten  in  number,  it  easily  takes  the  lead  and  foremost 
rank  in  quality  among  any  gatherings  of  bronzes  that  have  ever  been  per- 
mitted to  pass  the  borders  of  China.  The  fundamental  value  of  this  col- 
lection, secured  for  Mr.  Parish-Watson  by  Mr.  H.  A.  E.  Jaehne  on  his 
recent  expedition  to  China,  rests  on  the  fact  that  here  for  the  first  time  we 
are  permitted  to  study  at  close  range  well-authenticated  bronze  relics  of 
the  Shang  period  (1783-1123  B.C.),  which  marks  the  climax  in  the  devel- 
opment of  the  art  of  Chinese  metal-casting.  The  collection  includes 
five  superb  examples  of  this  early  art  (Plates  I-V),  all  rare  and  precious, 
and  equally  distinguished  both  by  artistic  merits  and  antiquarian  interest, 
one  of  these  (Plate  III)  being  unique.  The  four  specimens  of  Chou 
bronze  art  (Plates  VI-IX)  are  no  less  beautiful  and  perfect,  and  here 
again  we  encounter  a novel  type  not  represented  in  any  other  collection  of 
China  or  Japan,  not  to  speak  of  Europe  and  America.  There  is  one  Chou 
vessel  with  cover  (Plate  IX)  the  exact  date  of  which  is  authenticated  by  a 
lengthy  inscription,  and  may  be  determined  with  certainty  at  999  B.C.  All 
of  these  features  make  this  collection  one  of  absorbing  interest  and  para- 
mount importance,  and  all  lovers  of  Chinese  antiquity  are  indebted  to 
Mr.  Parish-Watson  for  placing  these  extraordinary  bronzes  on  permanent 
record. 

Work  in  bronze  may  justly  be  regarded  as  the  oldest  of  the  national  arts 
in  ancient  China,  and  as  belonging  to  that  province  of  art  in  which  the 
national  soul  of  the  Chinese  is  most  typically  and  felicitously  crystallized. 
Art,  I say  advisedly,  not  artcraft ; the  archaic  bronzes  virtually  belong  to 
the  realm  of  art,  and  their  makers  were  full-fledged  artists,  not  artisans. 
Only  the  epigones  of  the  T'ang,  Sung,  and  more  recent  periods  degraded 
the  art  of  bronze  to  the  level  of  an  industrial  process ; theirs  was  the  tech- 
nique, yet  not  the  spirit.  It  is  the  spirit  which  makes  art  and  imbues  it 
with  life,  and  it  is  the  peculiar  spirit  developed  in  the  early  religious  con- 
cepts of  the  Chinese  which  created  the  admirable  casts  of  those  metal  foun- 
ders, almost  at  the  threshold  of  civilization.  This  was  the  creative  epoch 
of  forms,  types,  designs,  symbols,  and  expressions  of  religious  sentiments. 

Cmj 


Copper  and  bronze  of  various  alloys  were  employed  in  casting  from  the 
earliest  dawn  of  Chinese  history,  not  only  for  sacrificial  vessels  inspired  by 
the  worship  of  ancestors  and  nature-gods,  but  also  for  every-day  imple- 
ments, such  as  swords,  daggers,  spears,  axe-blades,  knives,  lamps,  clepsy- 
dras, hooks,  buckles,  and  so  forth;  for  the  smelting  and  forging  of  iron 
was  as  yet  unknown.  Like  the  nations  of  western  Asia  and  the  prehistoric 
peoples  of  Europe,  the  Chinese  passed  through  a bronze  age  of  long  dura- 
tion, while  iron  but  gradually  came  into  use  from  about  500  B.C.  Imple- 
ments were  cast  in  copper  or  clay  moulds,  but  the  process  of  casting,  as  far 
as  the  large  vessels  are  concerned,  was  that  a cire  perdue.  It  is  amazing 
that  vessels,  many  of  them  of  great  complexity,  were  in  ancient  times  pro- 
duced in  a single  cast,  inclusive  of  the  bottom  and  handle  or  handles. 
The  bronze  experts  are  inclined  to  look  upon  this  point  as  a characteristic 
feature  of  an  archaic  bronze,  and  in  their  examination  first  inspect  the 
bottom  of  a vessel;  if  it  turns  out  that  the  latter  is  cast  separately  and  sold- 
ered in,  the  piece  must  lose  any  claim  to  ranking  in  the  San  Tai  (the 
three  dynasties  Hia,  Shang,  and  Chou,  as  the  archaic  period  is  styled). 
In  most  of  the  Sung  and  later  bronze  vases  and  jars,  bottom  and  even  han- 
dles are  moulded  separately.  A strikingly  large  variety  of  metal  alloys 
was  utilized,  different  alloys  being  employed  for  different  classes  of  ob- 
jects. A special  investigation  of  the  composition  of  Chinese  bronze  is  pre- 
pared in  the  Field  Museum  of  Chicago,  where  chemical  analyses  of  the 
bronze  of  several  hundred  specimens  have  been  made,  the  results  of  which 
promise  to  be  very  interesting. 

The  great  stimulus  to  the  development  of  early  art  was  ancestor  wor- 
ship with  all  of  the  virtues  resulting  from  it,  including  the  unceasing  care 
for  the  departed,  who  were  constantly  alive  and  awake  in  the  minds  of  the 
people.  This  deep-rooted  reverence  for  the  dead  culminated  in  a minutely 
developed  ritualistic  cult  which  required  vases  for  meat,  grain,  and  wine 
offerings,  and  accordingly  inspired  the  bronze-founders  to  supreme  efforts. 

Chinese  archaeology  is  still  in  its  incipient  stages,  and,  as  a matter  of  fact, 
we  know  little  about  the  earliest  bronzes.  The  scholars  of  China  were 
chiefly  interested  in  their  inscriptions,  and  from  the  style  and  technique  of 
the  characters  have  drawn  conclusions  as  to  the  chronological  setting,  and 
classified  the  material  according  to  historical  periods.  The  results,  in  gen- 
eral, are  sound  and  acceptable. 

The  study  of  bronzes  was  inaugurated  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the 
twelfth  century  at  the  instigation  of  the  art-loving  emperor  Hui  Tsung  of 
the  Sung  dynasty,  but  this  was  at  a time  when  continuity  of  historical 
contact  and  tradition  was  broken  up.  The  Chinese  scholars  struggled  to 
correlate  the  numerous  types  of  vessels  with  the  succinct  and  sometimes 
enigmatic  references  in  the  ancient  texts  and  to  offer  more  or  less  plau- 

013 


sible  interpretations  of  the  bewildering  variety  of  design  displayed  in  the 
decorations. 

In  conformity  with  the  impersonal,  sacrosanct,  and  hierarchic  character 
of  this  primitive  art,  all  trace  of  naturalism  or  realism  is  conspicuously  ab- 
sent, but  this  subconscious  art  was  strictly  national,  untouched  by  outside 
currents,  and  is  refreshing  in  its  groping  for  naive  expression  of  ideas. 
The  human  figure  rarely  appears  in  decorative  art,  all  principal  designs 
being  of  strictly  geometric  character,  and  receiving  a symbolic  interpreta- 
tion evolved  from  the  minds  of  agriculturists,  who  formed  the  bulwark  of 
Chinese  society.  Being  keenly  interested  in  weather  and  wind  and  all  nat- 
ural phenomena  exerting  an  influence  on  fields  and  crops,  their  attention 
turned  toward  the  observation  of  the  sky  and  stars,  which  resulted  at  an 
early  date  in  a notable  advance  in  the  knowledge  of  astronomy.  Hence, 
we  encounter  such  interpretations  as  thunder  and  lightning,  clouds,  winds, 
and  mountains,  for  purely  geometric  forms  of  design.  Among  animals  we 
meet  the  tiger,  always  dreaded  and  revered  as  one  of  the  great  forces  of 
nature,  the  elephant,  the  rhinoceros,  the  domesticated  sheep  and  ox,  fan- 
tastic birds,  and  a variety  of  reptiles.  Of  insects  we  find  represented  with 
predilection  the  cicada,  whose  wonderful  life-history  excited  admiration, 
and  which  developed  into  an  emblem  of  resurrection.  The  familiar  dragon 
conception  of  later  times  is  absent  from  early  art,  and  makes  its  appear- 
ance only  in  the  stone  sculpture  of  the  Han  epoch;  the  alligator,  however, 
is  felicitously  portrayed  in  the  marvelous  bone  carvings  of  the  Shang 
period.  What  is  termed  “dragon”  in  ancient  bronzes  by  Chinese  art- 
critics  is  a different  species  from  an  artistic  viewpoint. 

In  many  cases  the  surface  of  the  vessels  is  covered  with  a diapering  of 
frets,  scrolls,  and  spirals,  of  very  fine  and  delicate  execution  in  good  pieces, 
and  this  may  serve  as  the  background  for  a superimposed  design  in  high 
or  flat  relief.  In  these  relief  pictures  we  frequently  encounter  anthropo- 
morphic or  zoomorphic  heads  or  faces,  of  extremely  conventionalized 
character,  sometimes  grotesquely  distorted  or  disintegrated  into  separate 
parts  of  geometric  pattern.  The  nose  is  usually  unmistakable,  and  the  eye 
is  always  prominently  accentuated  in  the  shape  of  a boss  with  a slit  in  the 
center  to  indicate  the  pupil,  sometimes  inlaid  with  gold.  It  has  been  cus- 
tomary among  Chinese  scholars  since  the  days  of  the  Sung  emperors  to 
honor  these  monsters  with  the  general  appellation  t'ao-t'ie,  which  desig- 
nates a glutton,  and  which  was  the  nickname  of  a greedy  man  who  is  said 
to  have  lived  in  the  good  old  days  of  the  legendary  emperor  Yao,  and  to 
have  been  banished  by  Shun.  His  portrayal  on  ancient  bronze  vessels, 
then,  is  pleasantly  accounted  for  as  a warning  against  gluttony  and  avarice. 
This  rather  banal  explanation  strongly  savors  of  an  afterthought  which,  in 
my  estimation,  was  alien  to  the  people  of  the  Shang  and  Chou  periods. 


For  want  of  something  better,  European  books  on  Chinese  art  constantly 
treat  us  to  t'ao-t'ie,  “men-devouring  ogres”  (and  such  like  vague  nomen- 
clature), which  are  easily  detected  everywhere.  But  whoever  has  taken 
the  trouble  to  delve  a little  into  the  mythical  and  religious  lore  of  the  an- 
cient Chinese  cannot  believe  that  their  power  of  imagination  could  have 
been  so  dwarfish  and  arid.  It  has  been  a painless  operation  for  me  to  cast 
the  soulless  t'ao-t'ie  overboard  and  to  reload  the  ship  with  better  goods. 
I am  disposed  to  regard  all  of  these  manifold  variations  of  monstrous 
heads  as  manifestations  of  the  mythological  spirit,  as  the  iconography  of 
the  pantheon  of  ancient  Chinese  religion.  Here  also  are  the  gods,  and 
through  a close  study  of  mythology,  in  combination  with  the  ancient 
bronzes,  we  may  hope,  in  the  course  of  time,  to  unravel  their  character- 
istic traits  and  to  restore  to  life  what  has  been  dormant  and  misunder- 
stood so  long  under  the  cover  of  thoughtless  phrases. 

It  has  been  observed  that,  “apart  from  their  archaeological  interest  and 
from  their  beauty  of  form,  Chinese  bronzes  have  a quality  of  substance 
which  no  other  bronzes  exhibit.  The  beautiful  green  patina  which  we  see 
on  Greek  and  Roman  statues,  and  the  more  elaborate  colored  patinas  dis- 
covered by  the  ingenuity  of  the  Japanese,  are  dull  compared  with  the 
brilliant  and  jewel-like  incrustation  with  which  fine  specimens  of  Chinese 
bronze  are  adorned.”  In  regard  to  patinas,  we  have  many  interesting  and 
suggestive  theories  formulated  by  Chinese  antiquarians,  and  a germ  of  truth 
is  doubtless  contained  in  them.  But  here  we  are  in  need  of  a thorough 
chemical  investigation  of  all  the  diverse  kinds  of  patina  from  bronzes  of 
different  periods  to  obtain  a solid  basis  for  the  discussion  of  this  problem. 
In  this  respect  Mr.  Parish-Watson’s  remarkable  collection  is  of  utmost 
importance  and  utility,  for  on  no  other  bronzes  of  antiquity  have  I ever 
seen  finer  and  richer  patinas.  The  reproductions  of  these  objects,  excellent 
as  they  may  be,  do  not  render  justice  to  their  striking  beauty  and  ex- 
quisite coloring. 


ARCHAIC 

CHINESE  BRONZES 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2016 


/ 


https://archive.org/details/archaicchinesebrOOIauf 


i.  Bronze  Libation-Cup  __ 

Qy 

Type  tsio 

Shang  Period  (1783-1123  B.C.). 

Dimensions : 9%  inches  in  height;  opening,  9 inches  in  length,  4^2  inches  in  width. 

This  superb  specimen  excels  in  all  of  the  essential  characteristics  associated 
with  the  tsio  of  the  Shang  dynasty.  It  may  be  confidently  asserted  that  it  is 
not  a tsio  of  the  Chou  period.  The  Chou  examples  present  somewhat  de- 
based forms,  as  they  are  much  lower  in  height,  and  generally  distorted  in 
their  proportions.  They  are  also  plain,  or  have  merely  a narrow  band  of 
spiral  design  around  the  waist.  In  the  specimen  here  illustrated  the  pro- 
portions are  evenly  balanced,  and  in  its  bold  outlines  the  vessel  stands  with 
the  perfect  majesty  and  convincing  force  of  a masterpiece. 

The  three  feet  rise  in  elegant  curves,  and  are  slightly  turned  outward. 
The  body  is  divided  into  four  sections,  formed  by  three  projecting  and 
denticulated  ribs,  or  ridges,  and  the  single  loop-handle,  that  springs  from 
a conventionalized  zoomorphic  head.  Both  symmetry  and  a studied  asym- 
metry, simultaneously  applied,  have  always  been  the  great  principle  un- 
derlying Chinese  art.  If  we  were  to  imagine  another  loop-handle  attached 
opposite  the  present  one,  the  impression  would  be  decidedly  unfavorable, 
while  a fourth  ridge  in  the  place  of  the  single  handle  would  carry  the  prin- 
ciple of  symmetry  to  an  extreme,  and  the  vessel  would  forfeit  much  of  its 
present  charm.  The  loop-handle  unexpectedly  breaks  the  symmetry  of  ar- 
rangement, adding  a pleasing  effect  to  the  whole  work;  nor  is  it  incidental 
that  it  has  found  its  place  just  above  one  of  the  three  legs.  The  designs 
are  chased  with  wonderful  clarity,  being  compositions  of  plain  and  con- 
voluted spirals,  the  projecting  eyes  in  the  center  hinting  at  some  hidden 
anthropomorphic  or  mythological  concept.  To  the  artist  of  that  archaic 
period,  at  any  rate,  the  production  of  a sacred  vase  was  a religious  duty, 
and  his  creation  was  a reality  imbued  with  the  power  of  life  and  vision. 
The  triangular  patterns  in  the  upper  panel  are  interpreted  by  the  Chinese 
archaeologists  as  mountains  (compare  Plate  7). 

The  type  tsio  is  explained  by  Chinese  archaeologists  as  being  derived  from 
an  inverted  helmet  to  which  three  feet  are  added ; and,  with  some  stretch  of 
imagination,  we  might  be  disposed  to  argue  that  the  hero  of  ancient  days, 


desirous  of  celebrating  a victory,  doffed  his  helmet  on  the  battle-field,  offer- 
ing in  it  a libation  to  the  gods,  and  that  subsequently  the  helmet  was  chosen 
as  the  model  for  a libation-cup.  On  second  thought,  however,  this  expla- 
nation is  hardly  convincing;  the  Chinese  never  were  so  warlike  that  a mili- 
tary headgear  would  have  commended  itself  as  an  emblem  worthy  of  being 
introduced  into  the  ritualistic  cult,  nor  is  the  alleged  coincidence  perfect. 
Above  all,  the  three  slender  feet  are  so  organically  connected  with  the  ves- 
sel that  the  two  form  an  inseparable  unit.  Another  interpretation  seems 
more  probable.  The  character  tsio,  used  for  writing  the  name  of  this  type 
of  vessel,  properly  denotes  “small  birds,  like  sparrows,”  etc.,  and  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  the  form  of  this  vessel  has  grown  out  of  the  figure  of  a bird, 
undergoing,  of  course,  numerous  stages  of  gradual  conventionalization. 
This  theory  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  there  are  specimens  provided  with 
a cover  terminating  in  an  animal’s  head.  Animalized  forms  in  vessels  are 
frequent  in  both  ancient  and  mediaeval  China  (compare,  for  instance,  the 
cooking-kettles  of  the  Han  dynasty  with  dragon  and  serpent  heads).  The 
three  feet  indicate  plainly  that  the  vessel  was  put  over  a fire;  and  as  it  is 
repeatedly  referred  to  as  a wine-libation  cup  in  the  ancient  texts,  it  is  ob- 
vious that  the  rice-wine  was  heated  in  the  vessel  itself.  As  is  well  known, 
wine,  in  China,  is  usually  taken  hot.  That  part  of  the  vessel  forming  the 
bird’s  head  is  chamfered  into  a spout.  The  two  spikes  surmounted  by 
knobs  (explained  as  chu,  “posts,  supports”),  and  set  on  the  edges,  were 
probably  made  for  the  purpose  of  lifting  the  hot  cup  from  the  charcoal 
fire.  The  Chinese  also  give  a symbolic  interpretation  of  these  spikes,  com- 
paring them  with  the  stalks  of  cereals — evidently  in  allusion  to  millet  and 
other  grain  from  which  the  sacrificial  wine  was  prepared. 

The  service  of  this  libation-cup  was  particularly  required  in  the  worship 
of  the  great  cosmogonic  deities,  Heaven  and  Earth,  the  interaction  of  which 
was  believed  to  have  created  all  things  in  nature.  During  the  Chou 
period,  when,  each  spring,  the  Son  of  Heaven  performed  the  ceremony  of 
ploughing  the  fields,  he  was  accompanied  by  the  three  great  ministers  of 
state,  the  nine  other  ministers,  all  princes  present  at  court,  and  the  grand 
prefects.  The  Son  of  Heaven,  himself,  ploughed  three  furrows,  the  great 
ministers,  five,  the  other  ministers  and  the  princes,  nine.  Upon  returning 
to  the  palace,  the  Son  of  Heaven  assembled  his  companions  in  his 
chief  apartment,  and,  taking  the  cup  tsio,  addressed  them  as  follows:  “I 
offer  you  this  wine  in  compensation  for  your  trouble.”  The  tsio  was  also 
employed  on  ceremonial  visits  during  the  ceremonies  held  in  ancestral 
temples,  when  the  master  of  the  house  offered  wine  from  this  cup  to  the 
representative  of  the  dead  ancestor.  The  tsio  contained  one  pint  ( sheng ), 
and  was  regarded  as  more  honorable  and  dignified  than  larger  vessels  con- 
taining three,  four,  and  five  pints.  The  tsio  were  also  carved  from  jade. 

M 


Plate  I 


Under  the  Chou,  the  tsio  were  regarded  as  valuable  presents  exchanged 
by  vassal  kings.  Under  the  T'ang  (A.D.  618-906),  they  were  still  used  by 
the  emperors  in  solemn  ceremonies  addressed  to  the  deities,  Heaven  and 
Earth,  on  the  summit  and  foot  of  Mount  T'ai  in  Shan-tung.  Under  the 
Ming  (A.D.  1368-1643),  the  tsio  was  a favorite  type,  but  was  degraded 
into  profane  purposes;  during  the  marital  ceremony  bride  and  groom  al- 
ternately drank  wine  from  a cup  of  this  shape.  I have  also  seen  bronze 
tsio  of  the  Ming  period  with  date-marks  inscribed  on  them.  In  the  age  of 
the  Manchu,  tsio  were  frequently  imitated  in  plain  and  decorated  porce- 
lain, also  in  silver;  partly  for  ornamental  purposes,  partly  for  the  nup- 
tial ceremony. 


2.  Bronze  Libation-Goblet 

Type  kia  ^ . 

Shang  Period  (1783-1123  B.C.). 

Dimensions : 20 % inches  in  height;  diameter  of  opening,  9*4  inches. 

This  type  of  vessel  originated  under  the  Shang  dynasty,  and  subsequently 
it  was  ordained  in  the  Book  of  Rites  {Li  ki,  VII,  II,  4)  that  this  goblet 
should  be  exclusively  owned  and  used  by  the  princes  of  K'i,  descendants  of 
the  house  of  Hia  (2203-1784  B.C.),  the  princes  of  Sung,  descendants  of 
the  house  of  Shang,  and  the  princes  of  Lu  in  Shan-tung  owing  to  their  con- 
nection with  Confucius,  while  any  other  prince  or  noble  usurping  this 
privilege  was  guilty  of  infringing  the  law. 

This  specimen  is  distinguished  by  its  dimensions,  which  considerably  ex- 
ceed those  adopted  under  the  Chou;  but,  above  all,  surpasses  the  Chou 
examples  in  elegance  and  refinement.  It  served  the  same  purposes  as  the 
tsio,  and,  like  the  latter,  figured  also  in  ceremonial  drinking-bouts  ar- 
ranged by  the  kings.  As  to  its  composition,  this  type  is  constructed  on  the 
same  plan  as  the  tsio,  save  that,  instead  of  the  bird-shape  of  the  cup,  it  is 
a drum-shaped  vessel  with  flaring  rim,  and  the  bottom  is  flat,  while  that 
of  the  tsio  is  globular.  The  decoration  is  complete,  covering  the  three 
spear-shaped  legs,  as  well  as  the  entire  surface  of  the  body  and  the  two 
spikes  surmounted  by  knobs.  A deeply  grooved  band  divides  the  surface 
into  two  horizontal  panels,  displaying  the  head  of  a mythical  monster  set 
out  in  high  relief  from  a background  of  cloud  designs  in  spiral  form. 
The  vigorous  monster-head  from  which  the  single  loop-handle  springs  is 
powerfully  designed,  and,  like  all  these  mythological  motives,  is  calculated 
to  impress  and  inspire  the  minds  of  those  engaged  in  the  performance  of 
the  ritual,  and  to  inculcate  the  principles  of  right  conduct. 

This  piece  is  said  to  have  been  excavated  from  a tomb  situated  at  Lung- 
hu  Shan  (“Dragon  and  Tiger  Hill”)  in  the  province  of  Kiang-si. 


C6] 


Plate  II 


i 


1 


3-  Square  Bronze  Goblet 

Type  fung  kia  # t • 


Shang  Period  (1783-1123  B.C.). 

Dimensions : 13  inches  in  height;  opening,  ioj4  inches  in  length,  5 inches  in  width. 


This  vessel,  known  as  “phoenix  goblet”  ( fung  kia),  is  unique.  It  is  prob- 
ably the  only  one  of  its  class  in  existence.  Even  the  emperor  K'ien-lung, 
in  all  his  glory,  did  not  possess  a piece  like  this  in  his  museum  collection. 
In  its  structure  this  goblet  is  a tsio  “made  square,”  the  squaring-up  pro- 
cess affecting  not  only  the  form  of  the  vessel,  but  even  extending  to  the 
spiral  designs.  As  we  have  round  ting  with  three  feet  and  rectangular 
ting  with  four  feet,  so  we  are  confronted  here  with  four  spear-shaped  legs 
in  conformity  with  the  square  form  of  the  bowl.  Likewise,  each  leg  is 
quadrilateral,  while  in  the  tsio  it  is  trilateral.  The  two  external  sides  are 
ornamented  with  a conventionalized  human  or  animal  head  dissolved  into 
geometrical  combinations  of  spirals  of  square  shape.  The  eyes  are  plainly 
indicated  by  small  strokes  in  quadrangular  enclosures,  and  the  nose  is  for- 
cibly brought  out.  Toward  the  point,  the  artist  was  compelled  to  adapt 
his  composition  to  a given  space  and  to  follow  the  outlines  of  the  leg. 
Eight  tooth-shaped  ridges  dissect  the  four  surfaces  of  the  vessel  into  eight 
panels.  Each  side  is  divided  by  a groove  into  an  upper  and  lower  section. 
The  elements  of  the  decoration  are  based  on  what  the  Chinese  archaeologists 
term  the  motive  of  the  reclining  or  sleeping  silkworm  cocoon.  These  ele- 
mental forms,  again,  are  so  combined  on  each  side  as  to  form  a face, 
which,  if  a conjecture  is  permitted,  may  represent  the  Silk  Goddess.  These 
designs,  wrought  in  undercut  relief,  are  set  off  from  a background  of  del- 
icately traced  spirals,  symbolic  of  thunder  and  atmospheric  conditions. 
On  the  exterior  of  the  spout  we  encounter  the  strongly  conventionalized 
figure  of  a phoenix  (fung),  “dancing  in  the  clouds”  (a  well-known  mo- 
tive), the  clouds  being  expressed  by  the  spirals.  The  term  “phoenix,”  it 
must  be  understood,  is  merely  a convenient  word  used  by  us,  but,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  bears  no  relation  to  the  phoenix  of  the  Occident. 

What  is  the  significance  of  this  vessel?  Neither  form  nor  design  nor 
composition  is  meaningless  to  the  Chinese  artist.  Numbers  play  a con- 
spicuous role  in  ancient  cosmogony,  and  everything  in  the  old  rituals  was 


reduced  to  a fixed  standard  of  numbers  and  categories  reflected  in  celestial 
phenomena.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  deity  Heaven  was  wor- 
shiped by  the  primeval  Chinese  under  the  emblem  of  a perforated  jade 
disk,  and  that  the  deity  Earth  was  revered  and  symbolized  by  a jade  tube 
rounded  in  the  interior  but  square  on  the  outside,  and  provided  with  pro- 
jecting teeth  along  the  corners.  I therefore  venture  to  suggest  that  the 
circular  tsio,  as  shown  in  Plate  I,  was  in  its  origin  employed  for  pouring 
out  wine-offerings  to  the  cosmic  power  of  Heaven,  and  that,  correspond- 
ingly, the  square  variation  of  this  type,  as  represented  by  this  unique  and 
memorable  bronze  goblet,  at  the  outset  served  for  libations  to  the  deity 
Earth,  which  was  conceived  to  be  square,  and  which  was  regarded  next  in 
importance  to  Heaven.  In  fact,  the  lower  square  section  of  the  bowl,  ris- 
ing above  the  four  legs,  bears  a most  striking  resemblance  to  the  jade 
tubes  tsung,  which  symbolize  the  deity  Earth.  As  the  perforated  jade 
disk  served  as  an  emblem  to  the  emperor,  who  was  believed  to  receive  his 
mandate  from  Heaven,  and  who  ruled  by  his  command  as  the  Son  of 
Heaven,  so  the  jade  tube,  signifying  female  power,  was  the  sovereign  em- 
blem of  the  empress.  In  the  same  manner,  we  meet,  on  this  goblet,  sym- 
bols alluding  to  silk  and  possibly  even  the  Silk  Goddess.  Now,  silk  was 
looked  upon  as  one  of  the  precious  gifts  of  Mother  Earth,  and  the  rearing 
of  silkworms,  as  well  as  the  spinning  of  silk,  is  ascribed  by  tradition  to  a 
woman’s  initiative.  The  empress  took  a profound  interest  in  the  welfare 
and  promotion  of  the  silk  industry.  When  silk  cocoons  were  offered  to 
the  empress,  she  used  a jade  image  of  Earth  as  a weight-stone,  in  order 
to  weigh  the  quantity  of  silk.  In  the  imperial  worship  performed  by  the 
Manchu  emperors,  silk  was  still  offered  in  the  sacrifice  to  Earth,  being 
buried  in  the  ground.  Finally,  the  “phoenix  dancing  in  the  clouds”  is 
an  attribute  of  love  and  veneration,  and  occurs  as  such  on  the  ancient 
jade  girdle-ornaments  worn  by  women  and  interred  with  them  in  the  grave 
as  a symbol  of  resurrection.  All  of  these  facts  taken  together  prompt  us 
to  the  conviction  that  this  vessel  had  an  extraordinary  place  assigned  to 
it  and  a specific  function  in  the  rituals  performed  by  the  empress  in  her 
homage  to  Earth  and  Silk. 

The  beauty  of  this  bronze  is  enhanced  by  a rich  patina  of  the  brown 
of  autumn-leaves,  interspersed  with  specks  of  malachite  blue-green. 


[8] 


1 


Plate  111 


4»  Bronze  Beaker 

Type  ku 

Shang  Period  (1783-1123  B.C.). 

Dimensions:  10^4  inches  in  height;  diameter  of  opening,  6 inches; 
diameter  of  foot,  35^  inches. 

It  is  recorded  that  this  vase  was  discovered  in  an  ancient  well  at  Wu- 
ch'ang  on  the  Yang-tse,  capital  of  Hupeh  Province.  It  is  equally  beauti- 
ful for  its  well-balanced  proportions,  its  noble  simplicity,  its  purity  of 
form  and  design,  and  the  exquisite  quality  of  its  patina.  This  type  was 
first  produced  under  the  Shang,  and  was  subsequently  adopted  by  their 
successors,  the  Chou.  Judging  from  a famous  passage  in  the  Confucian 
Analects  ( Lun  yu,  VI,  23),  it  appears  that  this  vessel  underwent  some 
changes  in  the  age  of  the  great  sage,  but,  nevertheless,  retained  its  old 
name.  Confucius  denounced  the  government  of  his  time,  which  indulged 
in  high-sounding  phrases  without  applying  the  wise  principles  of  the  an- 
cients, and  illustrates  the  folly  of  using  words  that  do  not  express  the  real- 
ity underlying  them  by  an  allusion  to  the  vessel  ku,  Confucius  maintain- 
ing that  the  word  ku  meant  essentially  that  which  had  corners,  while  the 
vessel  so  named  had  none.  However,  the  four  slightly  projecting,  den- 
tated  ribs  around  the  stem  and  foot  might  be  so  considered  in  this  example. 

The  spiral  composition  is  chased  with  unequaled  vigor  and  firmness, 
and  the  asymmetry  in  the  arrangement  of  the  designs  is  a noteworthy 
feature.  The  two  raised  knobs  in  the  middle  portion  and  on  the  foot  are 
intended  for  eyes,  hinting  at  the  fact  that  the  artist  meant  to  bring  out  the 
head  of  some  mythical  creature  in  the  seemingly  arbitrary  combination  of 
these  scroll  designs.  As  the  spirals  symbolize  clouds,  and  the  peculiar 
lanceolate  designs,  in  combinations  of  four  or  six,  are  explained  as  repre- 
senting the  winds,  we  shall  not  err  in  regarding  this  head  as  that  of  the 
Storm  God  moving  over  a clouded  sky. 

Some  of  these  ku  are  entirely  bare  of  ornamentation,  while  others  are 
decorated  from  top  to  bottom.  Others,  again,  like  the  specimen  here  illus- 
trated, are  ornamented  in  the  middle  and  lower  portions;  a few,  also,  in 
the  middle  portion  only.  All,  however,  are  built  in  three  sections,  plainly 
set  off  by  grooved  zones,  and  have  the  same  slender,  graceful  body  and 

M 


flaring  trumpet-shaped  opening.  The  specimen  here  illustrated  is  a pro- 
duction decidedly  characteristic  of  the  Shang  period  (compare  the  analo- 
gous Shang  pieces  illustrated  in  the  Po  ku  t'u  lu,  Chapter  XV,  pp.  23,  32,  34, 
and  one  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  Collection  of  the  late  Viceroy  Tuan  Fang, 
Vol.  IX,  p.  27). 

No  other  nation  can  boast  of  having  conceived  a vase  that  could  rival' 
this  type  in  grace  and  beauty  of  form  and  sense  of  pleasing  proportions. 
In  regard  to  its  use,  nothing  definite  is  known  beyond  that  it  served  as  a 
wine-vessel.  It  does  not  seem  to  be  mentioned  in  the  ancient  Rituals. 

The  entire  specimen  is  coated  with  a very  fine,  lustrous,  deep  olive- 
green  patina. 


ill 


i 


i 





5*  Sacrificial  Bronze  Jar 

Type i . 

Shang  Period  (1783-1123  B.C.). 

Dimensions:  7)4  inches  in  height;  diameter  of  opening,  9)4  inches. 

A chapter  of  early  mythology,  the  record  of  which  is  unfortunately  lost,  is 
pictographically  embodied  in  this  bronze.  A fierce  tiger-head,  moulded  in 
high  relief,  looks  down  from  the  center  of  the  upper  zone,  and  is  repeated 
on  the  opposite  side,  being  surrounded  by  four  creatures  of  strongly  con- 
ventionalized forms  (possibly  birds),  the  same  being  repeated  in  the  lower 
zone  along  the  foot  In  the  middle  zone  is  vigorously  traced  the  colossal 
face  of  some  powerful  deity,  the  eyes  and  nose  being  prominently  de- 
lineated, the  other  parts  being  filled  in  by  geometrical  designs.  There 
are  four  curious  geometric  ornaments  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  handles, 
which  spring  from  a demon’s  head, — very  much  like  those  connected 
with  the  creatures  in  the  upper  and  lower  zones.  The  style  and  content  of 
the  whole  ornamentation  are  thoroughly  characteristic  of  the  Shang  period. 
It  is  very  instructive  to  compare  this  object  with  a similar  one  in  the  col- 
lection of  the  emperor  K'ien-lung  (illustrated  in  the  Si  ts'ing  ku  kien, 
Chapter  XIII,  fol.  17),  which,  however,  comes  down  from  the  Chou  period, 
and  which  lacks  the  spontaneous  force  and  direct  expressiveness  of  the 
Shang  production  (compare  also  the  fine  Shang  specimens  in  the  Catalogue 
of  the  Collection  of  the  late  Viceroy  Tuan  Fang,  Vol.  I,  pp.  47,  etseq.). 
Special  attention  should  also  be  called  to  the  fine  proportions  of  the  vessel 
and  the  graceful  curves  of  the  loop-handles. 

This  specimen,  it  is  reported,  was  exhumed  from  a grave  at  Wu-kang 
chou,  in  the  province  of  Hu-nan.  It  is  covered  in  the  interior  and  ex- 
terior with  thick  layers  of  a patina  brilliant  with  red,  gold,  blue,  green, 
and  brown  tinges.  The  Chinese  archaeologists  term  this  a five-colored 
patina. 


on 


* 


6.  Bronze  Bell 


So-called  Dragon  Bell  ( lung  chung  /^||  ). 

Chou  Period  ( 1 122-247  B.C.). 

Dimensions : 16%  inches  in  height;  shoulders,  9 inches  in  width;  base, 
inches  in  length,  7 inches  in  width. 

Bells  occupy  a prominent  place  in  Chinese  antiquity,  and  belong  to  the 
noblest  and  most  admirable  achievements  which  the  Chou  artists  have 
created  in  bronze.  Elaborate  rules  for  the  making  of  bells  are  formulated 
in  the  Chou  li,  the  old  State  Handbook  of  the  Chou  dynasty,  which  with 
minute  detail  sets  forth  the  court  ceremonial,  the  functions  of  the  officers 
and  regulations  for  their  guidance,  as  well  as  the  productions  of  the  im- 
perial workshops.  Bells  were  invented  in  China  independently  of  the  Oc- 
cident; the  ancient  Chinese  bell  is  a type  of  its  own,  and  also  differs  con- 
siderably from  the  spherical  bell  subsequently  introduced  with  Buddhism 
from  India.  The  independence  of  the  Chinese  type  is  demonstrated  by  its 
peculiar  form  and  the  absence  of  a clapper,  the  instrument  being  struck 
outside  near  the  lower  rim  by  a wooden  mallet.  It  was  chiefly  used  in  the 
ancestral  hall  to  summon  the  spirits  of  the  departed,  in  order  to  partake 
of  offerings  of  meat  and  wine.  A bell  was  also  suspended  in  front  of  the 
banquet  hall,  and  was  sounded  to  call  the  guests.  It  likewise  had  an  or- 
chestral function  in  accompaniment  with  other  musical  instruments,  for 
music,  as  in  Plato’s  republic,  formed  an  integral  part  of  Chinese  educa- 
tion and  ceremony.  Most  of  the  early  bells  have  the  two  coats  set  with 
bosses,  arranged  according  to  a fixed  scheme,  in  groups  of  three,  distrib- 
uted over  three  rows,  three  times  three  being  enclosed  in  a rectangle,  so 
that  eighteen  appear  on  each  face,  making  a total  of  thirty-six.  There  are 
many  bells,  however,  without  any  bosses,  and  a few  have  twenty-four  of 
them.  There  has  been  much  speculation  among  Chinese  and  other  archae- 
ologists as  to  the  function  of  the  bosses.  Wang  Fu,  author  of  the  Po  ku  tu 
lu,  published  in  A.D.  1107,  has  compared  them  with  nipples,  which  he 
takes  as  an  emblem  of  nutrition,  arguing  that  nipples  are  represented  on 
bells,  because  “the  sound  of  music  means  nutrition  to  the  ear.”  The  simile 
with  nipples,  however,  does  not  occur  in  any  ancient  text,  above  all,  is 
absent  in  the  Chou  li,  which  speaks  merely  of  knobs.  It  can  hardly  be 

Dsn 


imagined  that  these  bosses — of  which,  by  the  way,  there  is  a large  variety 
of  different  shapes,  many  of  which  show  no  resemblance  whatever  to  nip- 
ples— should  have  served  a purely  ornamental  or  esthetic  purpose.  They 
were  doubtless  made  with  a practical  end  in  view,  and,  as  supposed  by 
some  Chinese  authors  on  music,  were  originally  used  for  regulating  and 
harmonizing  the  sounds  of  bells,  while  later  generations  forgot  this  prac- 
tice, and  merely  applied  the  bosses  ornamentally  (compare  Po  ku  t'u  lu, 
Chapter  XXV,  p.  31).  This  subject  is  deserving  of  a close  investigation, 
for  which,  naturally,  a number  of  ancient,  authentic  bells  would  be  re- 
quired to  carry  on  practical  experiments. 

The  bell  here  reproduced  is  remarkable  for  its  imposing  simplicity  and 
grandeur  of  conception.  It  is  a truly  classical  example  of  Chou  art,  in- 
spiring a feeling  of  reverence  and  admiration,  such  as  we  receive  from  the 
lofty  arches  of  an  old  Gothic  cathedral.  The  Po  ku  /'m  lu  (Chapter  XXIII, 
p.  14)  illustrates  a Chou  bell  very  similar  to  our  specimen,  except  that  it 
is  adorned  with  eight  dragons  (or  perhaps  lizards)  instead  of  four,  two 
being  added  on  the  right  and  left  sides.  The  thirty-six  nipple-shaped 
bosses  (eighteen  on  each  face)  are  perfectly  modeled,  and  the  five  vertical 
lines  of  the  central  zone,  as  well  as  the  raised  meander  bands,  are  deline- 
ated with  unsurpassed  precision  and  firmness.  It  is  very  much  to  the  point 
that,  as  an  Arabic  writer  wittily  remarked,  “Allah,  when  distributing  his 
gifts  among  mankind,  placed  them  in  the  heads  of  the  Greeks,  in  the 
tongues  of  the  Arabs,  and  in  the  hands  of  the  Chinese.”  But  the  Chinese 
also  had  the  right  spirit  and  knew  how  to  embody  the  spirit  in  their  art. 

The  entire  bell  is  coated  with  a beautiful  blue-green  patina  speckled 
with  gold  and  brown,  which  was  produced  by  chemical  action  underground. 


Acquired  for  the  Miss  L.  M.  Buckingham  Collection , 
The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago. 


VI 


Square  Bronze  Vase 

Type  fung  tsun  f (“Phoenix  Tsun”). 

Chou  Period  (i  122-247  B.C.). 

Dimensions:  13%  inches  in  height;  opening,  10 % inches  in  width; 
shoulders,  8%  inches  in  width ; base,  6%  inches  in  width. 

This  majestic  piece  is  constructed  in  three  sections  clearly  set  off  from  one 
another,  although  the  whole  piece  is  cast  in  one  mould.  As  in  the  case 
of  the  ku  (Plate  IV),  the  corners  are  provided  with  projecting  ribs,  and 
each  of  the  four  sides  is  divided  into  two  panels  by  a similar  rib  running 
through  the  center.  The  composition  of  each  zone,  however,  presents  a 
unit,  the  same  subject  being  repeated  on  each  of  the  four  sides.  The  up- 
per panel  is  occupied  by  eight  triangular  fillets,  which  are  intended  to 
symbolize  mountains  (compare  Plate  I)  ; for  this  reason,  they  always  have 
their  place  on  the  neck  of  a vase,  the  point  or  summit  reaching  its  edge. 
Being  suggestive  of  a towering  mountain  scene,  they  lend  the  vase  a feel- 
ing of  loftiness  and  sublimity,  and  strike  our  imagination.  As  the  tri- 
angular bands  are  filled  in  by  cloud  and  thunder  patterns,  we  have  a 
symbolic  representation  of  mountains  overcast  with  clouds,  ready  to  pour 
down  fertilizing  rain  on  the  fields.  Such  was  the  wish  of  the  farmer,  and 
in  this  simple,  impressionistic  manner  he  conveyed  his  thought.  In  the 
lower  segment  of  the  upper  zone  we  note  a pair  of  conventionalized 
animals  in  strong  relief,  facing  each  other,  their  bodies  being  formed  of 
spiral  designs,  the  eyes  being  indicated  by  ovals.  In  the  rectangles  form- 
ing the  base  is  brought  out  a pair  of  similar  or  identical  creatures.  The 
two  birds  confronting  each  other  in  the  middle  zone  exhibit  a certain  ten- 
dency to  realism,  especially  in  the  bold  outlines  of  their  tail-feathers,  while 
again  circles,  half-circles,  spirals,  and  curves  are  resorted  to  in  order  to 
make  up  the  composition.  It  is  possible  that  this  bird  is  intended  for  the 
fabulous  fung  (so-called  phoenix)  for  which  this  vase  is  named,  but  this 
remains  a conjecture  for  the  present. 

The  vase  is  finely  incrusted  with  a deep  greenish-brown  olive  patina  on 
three  sides,  the  fourth  exhibiting  a light  green  tinge. 


Plate  VII 


8.  Rectangular  Bronze  Vessel 


Type  shuang  fu 


Igz. 


(“Double  Fu”). 


Chou  Period  (i  122-247  B.C.). 


Dimensions : inches  in  length;  between  the  handles,  13^  inches; 

8 Ys,  inches  in  width ; 7%  inches  in  height. 


This  object  is  perfectly  unique,  and  none  like  it  is  traceable  in  any  Chinese 
catalogue  of  bronzes.  It  is  composed  of  two  equal  parts,  each  in  the  shape 
of  a rectangle,  posed  on  a hollow  base  with  sides  slanting  outward.  Each 
single  part  would  form  a vessel  in  itself,  and  this  type  of  vessel  was  fre- 
quently used  in  ancient  times,  being  known  under  the  name  fu.  In  the 
origin,  the  fu  was  a basket,  defined  by  the  ancient  dictionaries  as  “square 
outside  and  round  inside,  used  to  hold  boiled  millet  in  State  worship.” 
To  every  student  of  basketry,  baskets  which  consist  of  two  equal  halves, 
perfectly  fitting  one  over  the  other  (for  instance,  globular  baskets  com- 
posed of  two  hemispherical  pieces),  are  well  known;  and  the  supposition 
seems  to  be  well  justified  that  the  caster  of  this  bronze  derived  his  in- 
spiration from  such  a double  basket;  hence  I have  proposed  for  this  novel 
type  the  name  shuang  fu  (“double  basket”).  The  fu  were  also  carved  from 
wood  or  moulded  from  clay,  and  a few  specimens  of  Han  pottery  fu 
have  survived;  but  the  favorite  material  for  them  was  bronze.  In  the 
museum  of  the  emperor  K'ien-lung  there  were  sixteen  bronze  fu,  figured  in 
the  Si  tsing  ku  kien  (Chapter  XXIX) , but  he  had  no  double  fu  like  this  one. 

Conventionalized  animal-heads,  cast  in  prominent  relief  on  the  narrow 
sides  of  the  upper  and  lower  vessels,  take  the  place  of  handles,  and  six 
smaller  zoomorphic  faces  (two  on  each  long  side  and  one  on  each  narrow 
side)  are  so  fitted  as  to  hold  the  two  parts  closely  together.  The  slanting 
sides  of  the  upper  and  lower  bases  have  gracefully  cut-out  arched  openings, 
making  four  feet  in  the  corners.  The  long,  massive  bands  of  meander  pat- 
terns laid  around  the  body  in  close  combination  are  so  delicately  traced 
that  the  reproduction  hardly  renders  them  justice. 

The  patina  which  covers  the  entire  object  on  the  exterior  and  interior 
is  very  extraordinary  in  its  delightful  shades  of  light  blue  and  green. 


Acquired  for  the  Miss  L.  M.  Buckingham  Collection, 
The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago. 


D8: 


Plate  VIII 


g.  Honorific  Bronze  Jar 

Type  tui 

Chou  Period:  Inscription  yielding  date  999  B.C. 

Dimensions:  ii^4  inches  in  height;  diameter  of  opening,  11^4  inches; 
entire  length  between  handles,  17  inches. 

This  highly  artistic  bronze  vessel  has  a lengthy,  clear-cut  inscription,  con- 
sisting of  152  characters  made  in  the  cast,  in  the  archaic  script  of  the  Chou 
period,  so  much  at  variance  with  the  modern  form  of  writing.  The  text 
of  the  inscription  is  given  twice, — on  the  bottom  of  the  vessel  and  on  the 
inside  of  the  cover.  This  inscription  has  been  reproduced  and  transliter- 
ated in  modern  characters  by  the  celebrated  scholar  Juan  Yuan  (1764- 
1849)  in  a work  which  contains  an  extensive  collection  of  inscriptions  to 
be  found  on  ancient  bronze  objects.  It  is  therefore  reasonable  to  infer 
that  the  tui  here  in  question  once  belonged  to  Juan  Yuan’s  collection,  or 
at  any  rate  was  well  known  to  him  (compare  also  a remarkable  tui  figured 
in  the  Kin  shi  so,  Vol.  I ; and  Si  ts'ing  ku  £*Vn,ChapterXXVII,pp.8£/  seq.) . 
To  give  a complete  translation  of  this  inscription  would  require  a lengthy 
philological  dissertation  to  be  accompanied  by  numerous  explanatory  foot- 
notes, and  I hope  to  make  it  the  subject  of  a special  study  in  the  near 
future,  to  be  published  elsewhere.  The  essential  points  of  the  story  are 
that  King  Mu  (1001-946  B.C.)  of  the  Chou  dynasty,  when  he  dwelt  in  the 
ancestral  temple  of  K'ang  and  Chao,  accompanied  by  the  chief  minister 
Hung,  ordered  the  annalist  Kuo  Sheng  to  issue  a diploma  in  favor  of  a 
certain  Sung,  who  was  to  receive  the  appointment  to  a new  office ; a black 
robe,  a girdle  with  a buckle,  jade  ornaments,  a standard  with  small  bells, 
and  bridles  adorned  with  bells,  were  conferred  upon  him.  Sung  pros- 
trated himself  before  the  Son  of  Heaven,  expressing  his  thanks  and  ex- 
tolling the  glory  and  benevolence  of  his  majesty.  On  this  occasion,  he 
had  this  precious  bronze  vessel  cast  in  commemoration  of  his  venerable 
departed  father,  Kung-shu,  and  his  venerable  departed  mother,  Kung-se,  in 
order  to  cultivate  filial  piety  and  to  solicit  their  constant  and  powerful 
protection.  The  most  important  point  is  that  the  inscription  opens  with 
a date,  “the  sixth  day  of  the  fifth  month  of  the  third  year”;  and  as  it 
appears  from  the  context  that  the  mention  is  of  King  Mu,  we  are  con- 

[19] 


fronted  with  the  date  999  B.C.  This  must  also  be  the  date  for  the  casting 
of  the  vessel,  which  thus  looks  back  to  the  respectable  age  of  2922  years. 
The  inscription  shows  also  that  this  vessel  was  made  to  commemorate  an 
important  event  in  the  life  of  a high  official. 

It  rests  on  three  low  feet,  each  being  surmounted  by  the  head  of  a mon- 
ster. The  two  massive  handles  spring  from  well-modeled  elephant-heads, 
a motive  not  infrequently  employed  in  the  art  of  the  Chou.  The  body  is 
adorned  with  six  deeply-grooved  bands,  and  correspondingly  we  meet  such 
bands  on  the  top  of  the  cover.  The  same  composition  is  brought  out  in 
the  zone  laid  around  the  rim  of  the  vessel  and  along  the  border  of  the 
cover,  the  same  motive  being  repeated  eight  times.  Despite  the  purely 
geometric  character  of  these  spirals,  the  plastic  eye  in  the  center  is  sug- 
gestive of  a watchful  or  all-seeing  deity.  The  cover  is  surmounted  by  a 
bowl-shaped  flange,  on  the  bottom  of  which  are  engraved  very  exquisite 
designs. 

The  tui  were  originally  carved  from  wood  and  served  as  receptacles 
for  millet  offered  to  the  ancestral  spirits.  This  was  also  the  intention  of 
Sung,  whose  thoughts,  on  the  memorable  day  of  his  promotion,  were  first 
of  all  directed  toward  his  parents,  to  whom  he  felt  obliged  to  attribute 
his  success,  and  whose  blessings  he  invoked  for  himself  and  his  descend- 
ants. Such  vessels  were  naturally  transmitted  as  an  heirloom  from  father 
to  son. 


C203 


Plate  IX 


io.  Gilt  Bronze  Vase 


Type  hu  'iff  . 

Han  Period  (206-22  B.C.). 

Dimensions:  16^2  inches  in  height;  13^4  inches  in  diameter. 

This  exquisite  vase  was  exhumed  from  a grave  located  in  the  prefecture  of 
Chang-te  in  the  province  of  Ho-nan.  As  a type  it  is  well  known,  and, 
wrought  in  bronze,  goes  back  to  the  culture  of  the  Chou  period.  It  was 
subsequently  adopted  by  the  Han,  and  developed  into  one  of  the  most 
favorite  vases  of  that  period,  not  only  for  every-day  use,  but  also  for  the 
equipment  of  burial  chambers.  We  have  numerous  specimens  of  bronze, 
pottery,  and  cast  iron.  The  remarkable  feature  of  the  present  specimen  is 
its  heavy  coating  of  gold  foil.  This  is  the  only  gilt  vase  of  this  type 
that  has  ever  come  under  my  notice.  It  is  partially  covered  with  a thick 
green  patina,  which,  in  combination,  or  contrast,  with  the  luster  of  the 
gold,  produces  an  extraordinary  effect.  The  interesting  question  arises  here 
as  to  how  this  patina  was  produced.  Gold  making  an  air-tight  coating, 
the  copper  under  its  surface  could  certainly  not  oxidize.  It  seems  rather 
plausible  that  this  vessel,  while  in  the  grave,  came  in  close  contact  with 
plain  copper  or  bronze  objects  the  oxidation  of  which  was  gradually  trans- 
planted to  it.  This,  however,  like  all  other  problems  bearing  on  the  de- 
velopment of  patinas,  merits  a profound  investigation  to  be  supported  by 
chemical  analyses  and  other  researches. 

Acquired  for  the  Miss  L.  M.  Buckingham  Collection , 

The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago. 


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